Dart Blog

Apr 17 2009 3:44 PM

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Torture and the Meaning of Words

When should news stories label interrogation practices torture?

That question arises from the Obama administration’s release of Bush administration legal memos endorsing — and precisely describing — the brutal abuse of "high-value" detainees. Never before has a president taken such an initiative in releasing basic documents about human rights abuses by the executive branch.

These memos are being released only because of tireless spadework since 2002 by investigative reporters like Seymour Hersh of the New Yorker, Dana Priest of the Washington Post and Mark Danner of the New York Review of Books. President Obama hinted as much in his statement, noting that he could declassify these memos because "the interrogation techniques described in these memos have already been widely reported." When all other checks and balances — federal law, international treaties, Congressional inquiry - failed, journalism stepped in.

And yet, it is striking how many major first-day news accounts of these memos reflect continuing ambivalence about whether reporters should call "brutal interrogation techniques" torture.  The memos — essential reading in every sickening word - describe not only waterboarding but stress positions, “walling” (slamming prisoners repeatedly against specially-constructed walls) and more.  But in nearly all of the stories I read this morning, the word "torture" appears only when quoted or attributed to a critic of the Bush administration, or in the language of the memos themselves.  (President Obama himself nowhere uses the word torture in his own statement.)

So should news accounts call these interrogation practices torture? Two decades of research into traumatic stress may help reporters and editors choose the appropriate language as debate over these memos goes forward.

The Bush administration memos specifically articulate a widely-held view: that the terror inflicted by simulated drowning and those other “enhanced interrogation techniques” is, no matter how extreme,  a transitory and entirely “emotional” issue. Today’s memos repeated describe how the techniques allegedly cause no lasting physical harm — an important point, since the Bush administration lawyers admitted that permanent injury or “organ damage” meets the U.S. and international standards for torture. 

Yet over the past 40 years numerous scientific studies examining the impact of uncontrollable stress — a situation in which an animal is exposed to stress from which it cannot escape — have provided clear, unmistakable evidence of harmful physical changes in the brain.  These stress-induced changes are non-trivial: meaningful alterations in the way brain cells grow, communicate with and modulate one another.  And in humans, scientific studies show that similar extreme stress is also associated with alterations in neurobiology, brain functioning and architecture.  You can see those changes — which sometimes become post-traumatic stress disorder - in brain scans and blood work.

What does this mean about “enhanced interrogation?” That the brain — an organ of the body — can be permanently damaged or “scarred” from exposure to highly stressful, traumatic events. And that meets even Deputy Legal Counsel Jay Bybee’s notoriously constricted definition of torture.

All of the “enhanced interrogation techniques” in today’s document dump were deliberately designed to inflict terror for the subjects’ lives. Whether waterboarding, walling, locking a subject in a box with an allegedly poisonous insect, all were designed to induce feelings of helplessness and intense fear. That is precisely the diagnostic criteria for PTSD.

When it comes to trauma, there is no division between mind and body. As the Center for Victims of Torture in Minneapolis and numerous other clinics and researchers have found, the rates of long-lasting and profound PTSD and depression in torture survivors are staggering – two-thirds of the new patients at the CVT show up with crippling PTSD.

Which brings us back to reporting on the Bush memos. There are of course many reasons why political leaders might use euphemisms. President Bush’s Justice Department and  Office of Legal Counsel were trying to redefine torture as not-torture. President Obama, who has banned these techniques, sees criminal prosecution of CIA interrogators as a political thicket.

But reporters and editors have different responsibilities. If news accounts and headlines call torture torture, science will back them up.

Comments

This is the same thing that happened between late April and early July, 1994, on the use of the term "genocide" to describe what was happening in Rwanda. It wasn't until late June, in an off-hand remark from the national security advisor, that any government official called the Rwandan massacres genocide, and even after that it was described in the press in some variation on this theme: "which some have characterized as genocide."

What's eerie about this debate is that we're still distracted by the debate itself. As in Rwanda, it seems like we're waiting for some kind of political conclusion on the "controversy," so that we can proceed in the good faith (and professional relief) that our language is apolitical. Our willingness to wait until other people hash it out and purify it of controversiy is actually a weakness: "enhanced interrogation techniques" is not apolitical language; it is languages the serves the politics of one side of the debate. Neutral euphemisms are never neutral, and if we fail to recognize this, we're vulnerable to intense manipulation of our profession.

The irony is that, of all the words we could possibly use, the only one with any science behind it is the one we've been scared off of. Thanks, Bruce, for so compelling a presentation of why this word is not only permissible, but scientifically applicable--and therefore, necessary.

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Bruce Shapiro

  • Bruce Shapiro is executive director of the Dart Center for Journalism and Trauma, encouraging innovative reporting on violence, conflict and tragedy worldwide from the Center’s headquarters at Columbia University in New York City. An award-winning reporter on human rights, criminal justice and politics, Shapiro is a contributing editor at The Nation and U.S. correspondent for Late Night Live on the Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s Radio National.

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